The Cattle Towns (New York, 1968) for the view that the West was not especially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra.
For a characterization of the debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but with all the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier was violent, however in particular methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation associated with reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at broader habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching into the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the global World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, therefore the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, as well as the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and Arkansas that is northwest Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For the research study of mob physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). On vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen, a significant Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004). For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and Culture in the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed for an interpretation of women and children in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to Style. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama along with other states that are southern see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching while the Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching Culture, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Certainly Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, just What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory when you look at the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the current interpretation of racial physical physical violence into the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, plus the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For data documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us citizens into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the artificial remedy for lynching in US history that features conversation associated with the colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the usa (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association when it comes to development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the usa. On methodological issues with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas outside of the Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling an inventory that is national see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging to a national Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical Methods, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I actually do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant because they are, may outweigh the advantages of counting lynchings that are american.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. In the community that is norwegian collective murder of a Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. For the argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other kinds of collective physical violence in structural terms across worldwide cultures, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
For the argument that U.S. Lynching into the long nineteenth century paralleled respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as an essential episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to deny or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: means of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years over the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, plus an anonymous reviewer for their responses on a youthful form of this essay.